Shirt a Phobia

Sample Page

Corruption in Ukraine since the country became an independent state in 1991 is a societal issue rooted in the dissolution of the Soviet Union that year.[1] Following independence, Ukrainian politicians from across the political spectrum, criminal bosses, and Ukrainian oligarchs exploited corruption within the National Police of Ukraine, the country’s political parties, and industry to gain power.[2] While Ukraine is still considered one of the more corrupt countries in Europe, it has made steady progress in improving its standing since 2015.[3][4]

History

The modern period of corruption in Ukraine can be traced back to when it formed part of the Soviet Union, prior to 1991. During the 1980s, individuals linked to Soviet organised crime became integrated into the Soviet ruling elite.[5] The American academic Louise Shelley, writing in 1998, commented that corruption in Ukraine followed similar patterns to organized crime and political parties across the post-Soviet space.[6]

For two decades following the establishment of Ukraine as an independent state in 1991, the country experienced a period of violent corruption.

Viktor Yanukovych in April 2010

During this period, corruption in industry and tourism was particularly acute in Donetsk Oblast.[7] In 2005, mass graves containing businesspersons, judges, lawyers, and investigators were discovered in the region.[8] A former governor, Viktor Yanukovych, and his Party of Regions were among those accused of maintaining close ties to organised crime.[9] Despite this, Yanukovych won the 2010 Ukrainian presidential election.

According to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in 2006, the main causes of corruption in Ukraine included a compromised justice system, a centralised and non-transparent government, close ties between business and political elites and Russia, and a weakened civil society.[10] Corruption has been a frequent topic of Ukrainian media coverage.[11][12]

A 2013 survey of Ukrainians found the country’s most corrupt officials were believed to be the judiciary, the police, public servants, the health service, and parliament.[13] Yanukovych was overthrown during the Maidan Uprising, which began in 2013 after his government—viewed by many of the protestors as corrupt—refused to sign a trade agreement with the European Union.[14][15] Yanukovych’s pro-Russian tendencies caused Ukrainian nationalists to link corruption in Ukraine with the country’s relationship with Russia.[16][17][18][19][20][21][22] In the aftermath of the uprising, law enforcement reforms were introduced to reduce waste, public procurement procedures were changed, and some state-owned industries were dissolved, but critics argued that the progress made in tackling corruption was too limited.[23]

In 2008, TI estimated that 30–50 percent of Ukrainians had experienced government corruption.[24] Juhani Grossmann, when working in 2009 for the ACTION project (Promoting Active Citizen Engagement in Combating Corruption in Ukraine), which was funded by the USAID, claimed that “Ukrainians pay roughly ₴3.5 billion, or more than US$400 million, in bribes annually.”[25][12] The previous year, he claimed that the figure was US$700 million.[26]

In 2011, Yanukovych announced that corruption was costing his government an estimated US$2.5 billion each year, and that corrupt practices in public procurement alone resulted in 10–15% of the state budget (approximately US$7.4 billion) ending up “in the pockets of officials”.[27] According to the economist Ararat Osipian, Ukraine failed to sustain its economic growth trends in the 2000s due to endemic corruption.[28] Corrupt practices marked Yanukovich’s period as president; it contributed to his removal from office in 2014, and left the Ukrainian Ground Forces ill-equipped to counter Russia’s invasion of Crimea that year.[29]

In 2016, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) stated that a reduction in corruption was a key condition for continued international support for Ukraine.[30] Some Western analysts argued that large foreign loans were not encouraging reform, but instead were enabling the extraction of funds from the country through corrupt practices.[31] The then U.S. Assistant Secretary of State, Victoria Nuland, called for the prosecution of corrupt officials, stating: “It’s time to start locking up people who have ripped off the Ukrainian population for too long and it is time to eradicate the cancer of corruption.”[32]

A 2025 Gallup opinion poll found that 85% of Ukrainians believed corruption was widespread throughout their government, a figure that had hardly varied since 2007.[33]

Bribery

In the 2000s, bribes were used in Ukraine to ensure that public services were delivered,[34] with many Ukrainians considering their payment to be customary and expected.[34][35] Some of the largest recorded bribes exceeded US$1 million.[36]

In a 2001 survey conducted by the German market research company GfK, 43% of respondents stated that they had never personally paid a bribe.[35]

According to a Management Systems International survey conducted in 2008, the highest levels of corruption were identified in vehicle inspection services (58%), the police (54%), health care (54%), the courts (49%), and in higher education (44%).[24] In another 2008 survey, 21% of those questioned answered that they—or someone living in their household—had paid a bribe during the previous year.[37] Surveys conducted between 2000 and 2010 showed that a majority of Ukrainians self-reported engaging in corrupt transactions with government authorities.[34][38][39][40]

In the Global Corruption Barometer 2013 produced by Transparency International (TI), Ukrainians reported that the institutions to which they most commonly paid bribes during the preceding two years were the police (49% of responders), medical and health services (41%), and the education system (33%).[13]

Corruption in Ukrainian politics

National politics

In the years following Ukrainian independence, electoral fraud was widespread, mainly through the administrative resource available to some candidates.[41] According to the British political analyst Taras Kuzio, the fraud accounted to more than five percent of the total vote.[42]

Pavlo Lazarenko, who was the prime minister of Ukraine from 1996 to 1997, allegedly embezzled between US$114 million and 200 million,[43] After the initial round of voting in the 2004 presidential election, the Supreme Court of Ukraine ruled that the scale of the electoral fraud made it impossible to determine the election results, and it ordered a revote.[44] Instances of vote rigging have since declined,[45] although politicians continued to allege election fraud, and some political parties persisted in using tactics to secure votes,[46] and the Ukrainian electorate remained sceptical of the integrity of the electoral process.[47]

In the 2000s, United States diplomats claimed that the privatization of several Ukrainian state enterprises was rigged by politicians in favour of their political allies.[48] In the early 2010s Ukrainian media, particularly the Ukrayinska Pravda, regularly unveiled millionaire lifestyles of Ukrainian politicians and public servants,[49] utterly at odds with their declared official incomes.[50] In 2010, it was reported that Ukrainian politicians regularly accused each other of corruption while claiming to fight it themselves.[51] According to information revealed by means of the 2010 United States diplomatic cables leak, US officials described Ukraine under presidents Leonid Kuchma and Viktor Yushchenko as a kleptocracy.[48]

Minister of Internal Affairs Vitaliy Zakharchenko stated in 2012 that since 2010, about 400 politicians had faced criminal charges in connection with corruption; most of them from the Party of Regions, followed by Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko and Our Ukraine–People’s Self-Defense Bloc members.[52] Since 2011, the President, Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada, Prime Minister, Prosecutor General, ministers and other Ukrainian top officials have been liable for prosecution for corruption.[53] Since 2010, the Ukrainian press brought up thousands of examples of criminal cases in which state officials, as well as politicians and businessmen linked to the then-ruling Party of Regions, were shown leniency unprecedented for the general population of suspects.[54] After going undercover in the Reforms for the Future parliamentary faction in early 2012, the Rada deputy Roman Zabzaliuk claimed this faction “bought” its members, paying US$500,000 [for a ‘defection’ from other parliamentary groups, and then paying a salary of $20,000–25,000 a month. In contrast, according to Reforms for the Future, Zabzalyuk had pretended he was “suffering a very serious disease” and the group had managed to raise some $100,000 for Zabzalyuk to undergo surgery in Israel.[55]

A 2015 survey showed that 72% of adults blamed “corruption of power” for the lack of progress in reform.[56] According to historian Andrew Wilson, as of 2016, progress in reducing corruption was poor.[56] A 2016 requirement for members of the Ukrainian parliament (deputies) to declare their wealth led to a declared cumulative wealth of about $460 million for the 413 deputies.[57] Reacting to public criticism, deputies cancelled a salary rise that would have doubled their monthly salary.[58] This measure was part of an Anti-Corruption Package passed into law in 2014, which was a requirement of international financial support for Ukraine and a prerequisite to eligibility for visa-free travel within the European Union.[57][59]

Local politics

In the early 21st century, several Ukrainian mayors were suspected of using their posts to serve their own business interests.[60] In 2009, regional corruption was discovered in connection with land allocation.[61]

In 2013, Serhiy Odarych, former mayor of Cherkasy, was suspected of causing a ₴600,000 loss to the city budget.[62]

Judiciary

In the early 2010s, Ukrainian politicians and analysts described the country’s justice system as “rotten to the core”,[63][64] highlighting the political pressure put on judges.[65] Ukraine’s court system was widely regarded as corrupt;[66] independent lawyers and human rights activists have complained that judges are pressurised to hand down a particular verdict.[67] A Ukrainian Justice Ministry survey in 2009 revealed that 10% of respondents trusted the nation’s court system, and fewer than 30% believed that it was possible to get a fair trial.[63] Judicial independence exists in principle, but judges were subjected to pressure from political and business interests.[68] In the 2010s, Ukrainian judges were arrested while taking bribes;[69] and during the early part of the decade, it was noticeable that officials and their children (or mazhory[70]) received favourable sentences compared with common citizens.[71][72]

In 2012, Volodymyr Rokytskyi, Deputy Head of Ukraine’s Security Service, was photographed in public wearing a US$32,000 luxury wristwatch—a price equally his yearly official income—at a joint Ukrainian-American event dedicated to fighting illegal drugs.[73][unreliable source?] When a 2017 Reuters article quoted the deputy Volodymyr Groysman as saying that “the weakest link in our fight against corruption is the Ukrainian court”; the article gave an example of 30 judges who received salaries ranging from US$10,000–13,000 and who owned Porsches.[74]

The Kyiv Post reported in 2018 that several candidates for a post in the new High Anti-Corruption Court of Ukraine were themselves suspected of, or were associated with, corruption.[75] AutoMaidan, Dejure, and the Anti-corruption Action Center all criticised decisions made in June 2023 by the Ethics Council relating to appointments onto the High Council of Justice. The decisions including the nomination of judges tainted by corruption, and the unfair exclusion of Larysa Golnyk, an anti-corruption whistleblower judge.[76]

In May 2023, on the orders of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), the President of the Supreme Court of Ukraine Vsevolod Kniaziev was detained while allegedly receiving a bribe.[77] NABU and SAPO reported on their social media accounts about allegations of corruption in the country’s Supreme Court of Ukraine. Anti-Corruption officials said that, “NABU and SAP have uncovered massive corruption in the Supreme Court, specifically plans to profit unfairly from the Supreme Court leadership and judges.”[78]

Corruption in the public sector

Highways

In 2016, many of Ukraine’s major provincial highways were in very poor condition, with an Ukravtodor official stating that 97% of roads needed repair. The road repair budget was set at about ₴20 billion, but corruption caused the budget to be poorly spent.[79]

Nuclear energy

In 2015, corruption allegations were made against Energoatom, Ukraine’s state nuclear power operator.[80] In 2016, Energoatom’s assets and bank accounts were frozen by Ukrainian courts over allegedly unpaid debts, a decision that Energoatom appealed against.[81][82] In June 2016, its bank accounts were unfrozen.[83]

Operation Midas

On November 12, 2025, a NABU investigation code-named Operation Midas into an alleged Energoatom US$100 million kickback scheme led to the resignation of Justice Minister German Galushchenko, and the Energy Minister Svitlana Hrynchuk, and the dismissal of Energoatom’s supervisory board. Grynchuk had been Galushchenko’s deputy Energy Minister, and succeeded him in the post in July 2025. The investigation involved 1,000 hours of audio recordings and about 70 search operations. When President Volodymyr Zelenskyy called for the resignation of the ministers, they quickly complied.

Among the seven suspects named by prosecutors was an entrepreneur Timur Mindich, who had co-owned the Kvartal 95 Studio with Zelenskyy prior to his election to the presidency, and Dmytro Basov, an executive director at Energoatom.

The Economy Ministry announced that a new supervisory board for Energoatom would be named within a week, that the G7 countries would be consulted, and that Energoatom would undergo an audit to be reviewed by law enforcement officials.[84][85]

On November 28, 2025, investigators raided the home of Andriy Yermak, the head of the Office of the President of Ukraine. Zelenskyy dismissed him later that day. Reports indicated that Yermak had played a central role in July 2025 efforts to curtail the independence of anti-corruption bodies, allegedly to obstruct the Energoatom investigation; protests forced the government to reverse course within days. Internal polling shared with The Economist suggested that trust in Zelenskyy had fallen by half since the NABU revelations.[86]

Higher education

In the 2000s and 2010s, higher education in Ukraine was plagued by bribery.[87][88][89] In 2011, 33% of all students claimed they had encountered corruption in their school, 29% heard about cases of corruption from other students, while 38% had not encountered corruption.[90] According to TI research undertaken in 2008, 47.3% of university students stated that a bribe had been demanded from them; of those, 29% had paid this bribe freely.[24] Students paid bribes for admission to a college, for exam results, and to get their doctoral or master’s theses evaluated.[24][89]

Bribes ranged from US$10 to US$50 for an exam pass to several thousand for entry to a university.[24] According to government sources, bribes varied from US$80 to US$21,500.[24] Salaries of teachers and professors were low in Ukraine compared with other professions; this may have tempted them to demand bribes.[24][89] According to Ararat Osipian, entire corruption hierarchies formed in Ukraine’s colleges and universities.[91] These hierarchies evolved from the 1990s as a result of uncontrolled and rampant corruption.[92] Ararat claimed in 2010 that corrupt ruling regimes control corrupt universities and force them into compliance,[93] including during the elections.[94] This was aided by universities largely still having Stalinist-type bureaucracies, unable to transform.[95]

Until 2015, university autonomy was nonexistent.[96] In 2015, the Ukrainian parliament passed a new law on higher education to give universities more autonomy, including control over their own finances.[89] The aim was to encourage private investment, fundraising and the creation of endowments.[89]

In the 2000s, Ukrainian government officials were caught with fake university diplomas.[97]

Social Security

In 2012, Yanukovych reported that only about 23 percent of social service funds go to those who actually need them.[98] The Ukrainian media featured many stories revealing that even parliamentarians illegally received social benefits, fraudulently claiming to be war and Chornobyl veterans.[98]

Healthcare

Though medical care in state-run hospitals is theoretically free for Ukrainians, during the 2000s, patients commonly paid out-of-pocket to ensure they receive any treatment required.[99][100] In 2012, advocacy groups accused Health Ministry officials of embezzling money that should have been used to treat Ukrainian AIDS patients, by buying AIDS drugs at inflated prices.[101]

Corruption in the business sector

In 2011, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development stated corruption was a “significant obstacle” to doing business in Ukraine.[102] Research conducted by Ernst & Young in 2011 and 2012 showed that the practice of top business managers accepting bribes increased by 9 percent in 2011 and 15 percent in 2012. Another 4 percent were ready to pay bribes in order to hide the details of their financial performance.[98]

In the early 2010s, the representative of a UK-based company claimed non-Ukrainian companies often lost contracts if they did not pay bribes or failed to “out-bribe” their competitors. Ukrainians and business representatives claimed that “Business ventures above a certain level require palm-greasing of some functionary at some level.”[67]

Anti-corruption procedures and institutions

See also: European Union Anti-Corruption Initiative in Ukraine, 2020 Ukrainian constitutional crisis, and Law enforcement in Ukraine § Anticorruption

In a survey in 2001, 80% of respondents were in agreement with the statement: “The present [Ukrainian] government has no real interest in punishing corruption.”[35] After his election in late 2004, Yushchenko promised a “War on Corruption”.[103] Several politicians were investigated the following year, among them Borys Kolesnikov and Yuri Boyko.[104][105][106][107] Oleksandr Turchynov, the former chairman of the Security Service of Ukraine, claimed that in the summer of 2005, Yushchenko prevented a fraud investigation relating to the transport of Turkmen natural gas to Ukraine, and prevented Boyko’s arrest for an abuse of office when he was the director of Naftogaz:[108][107] In a 2005 interview, Turchynov said Yushchenko had told him to stop “persecuting my men”, and that the investigation of RosUkrEnergo was “creating a conflict with Russian President Vladimir Putin”.[107] Ukraine joined the Group of States Against Corruption in 2006.[109]

Like his predecessor Yushchenko,[103] Yanukovych (and his Azarov Government[110]) made the fight against corruption a spearhead in his domestic policies.[111][112][113] Political opponents of Yanukovych accused him of using his anti-corruption campaign for politically motivated trials; the general public in Ukraine largely shared this view.[114][115][67][116] Yanukovych denied this.[113] In September 2011 the National Anti-Corruption Committee was introduced.[111]

The International Association of Anti-Corruption Authorities spoke in April 2011 of “remarkable successes in fighting corruption in 2010”.[117] The EU Ambassador to Ukraine, Jose Manuel Pinto Teixeira, stated at an investment conference on February 28, 2012, that Yanukovych’s pledges of reform “have regrettably produced no such results”.[67]

In May 2014, an Anti-Corruption Initiative was established. In December, it appointed Lithuanian economist and former European Commissioner for Taxation and Customs Union, Audit and Anti-Fraud Algirdas Šemeta as Business Ombudsman.[118] NABU was established in the same year[119] after its predecessor, the National Anti-Corruption Committee, was considered a failure. For designing and implementing systematic change tending to prevent corruption, the National Agency for Prevention of Corruption was created in 2015.[120]

In 2015, President Petro Poroshenko sacked Ihor Kolomoisky — the billionaire governor of the key industrial region of Dnipropetrovsk — after armed men suspected of links to Kolomoisky briefly occupied the offices of a state-owned oil firm in Kyiv.[121]

In 2018, a law came into force requiring that cases concerning corruption be brought directly to the High Anti-Corruption Court of Ukraine.[122][123] In June 2018 President Poroshenko expected the court to be established before the end of 2018.[122] In 2019 the High Anti-Corruption Court did start to work.[124] Due to the IMF concern that oligarchs would use the courts to seize bailout money, parliament passed a bill in 2020 to prevent courts from reversing bank nationalizations. The bill would combat a lawsuit by oligarch Ihor Kolomoisky and others seeking to regain control of PrivatBank, the recipient of a $5.5 billion 2016 bailout and an alleged “money laundering machine” under Kolomoisky.[125]

In 2020, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine triggered a constitutional crisis when it ruled that anti-corruption legislation, including the mandatory electronic declaration of income, was unconstitutional.[126] Zelensky warned that if parliament did not restore these anti-corruption laws, foreign aid, loans and visa-free travel to the European Union were at risk. The governor of the National Bank of Ukraine reported that because of the issue, Ukraine would not receive a scheduled $700 million IMF loan before the end of 2020.[127][128] On December 4, 2020, the Ukrainian parliament restored the legislation, reauthorising criminal penalties for officials who lied about their incomes.[129] On December 29, 2020, Zelenskyy suspended the Constitutional Court’s chairperson Oleksandr Tupytskyi for two months.[130] On July 19, 2022, Oleksandr Klymenko was announced as the new head of SAPO, following an open competition for the post.[131][132][133]

Comparisons with other countries

bbb
aaa
CPI scores for Ukraine from 1998 to 2025, and Europe in 2025; (lower scores are an indication of higher perceptions of corruption)

A 1995 national poll initiated by the Ukrainian government showed that 42% of the survey’s respondents viewed corruption as “a shameful phenomenon that has no objective grounds”, while 36% viewed it as “a component of social traditions”.[134]

In the 2010s, the Ukrainian economist Oleh Havrylyshyn [uk] compared Ukrainian corruption to global trends, using data from TI. His research estimated that corruption levels in Ukraine were comparable to those in Sub-Saharan Africa, identifying Uganda as the country’s closest counterpart.[135][136]

In 2012, Ernst & Young ranked Ukraine among the three most corrupt nations out of 43 surveyed.[98][137] In 2015, The Guardian labelled Ukraine as “the most corrupt nation in Europe”.[4] By 2017, an Ernst & Young poll of experts ranked Ukraine ninth-most corrupt out of 53 surveyed nations.[138]

In TI’s 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), Ukraine was ranked 105th out of 180 countries, with a score of 35.[139] Commenting on the data, TI noted that Ukraine’s score had improved steadily for 11 years, but that the high number of corruption cases that were detected and prosecuted was an indication that significant work remains to be done.[140][note 1] TI’s CPI report for 2025 includes Ukraine as one of the countries whose 2025 score has increased from between one of the lowest to one that is middle ranking, as a result of “long-term efforts from political leaders and regulators”. The report, whilst commenting on successful convictions following corruption investigations, noted that structural reforms still needed to be put into place.[143]

CPI data for Ukraine (1998–2024)[note 2]
Year Ranking CPI score Confidence range[note 3] Standard deviation Standard error[note 4] Number of surveys used[note 5] Reference(s)
0–10 0–100
1998 69 of 85 2.8 1.6 6 [145]
1999 75 of 99 2.6 1.4 10 [146]
2001 83 of 91 2.1 1.1 6 [147]
2002 85 of 102 2.4 0.7 6 [148]
2003 106 of 133 2.3 0.6 10 [149]
2004 122 of 146 2.2 2.0–2.4 10 [150]
2005 107 of 158 2.6 2.4–2.8 8 [151]
2006 99 of 163 2.8 2.5–3.0 6 [141][152]
2007 118 of 179 2.7 2.4–3.0 7 [153][154]
2008 134 of 180 2.5 2.0–2.8 8 [155][156]
2009 146 of 180 2.2 2.0–2.6 8 [157][158]
2010 134 of 178 2.4 2.1–2.6 8 [159][160]
2011 152 of 183 2.3 2.1–2.5 10 [161][162]
2012 144 of 176 26 24–29 8 [163][142]
2013 144 of 175 25 22–28 8 [164]
2014 142 of 175 26 23–29 1.6 8 [165][166]
2015 130 of 167 27 24-30 5.46 1.93 8 [167]
2016 131 of 176 29 25–32 1.97 9 [168]
2017 130 of 180 30 [169]
2018 120 of 180 32 [170]
2019 126 of 180 30 [171]
2020 117 of 180 33 [172]
2021 122 of 180 32 [173]
2022 116 of 180 33 [174]
2023 104 of 180 36 [175]
2024 105 of 180 35 [176]
2025 104 of 182 36 [177]

Note: For 1999 and 2000, the data were listed as 1998 and 1999 respectively. From 2001, the data listed are stated to be for the year of the annual report. Up to 2005, the annual report included some measures of the uncertainty of the index scores; these data were omitted from the annual reports from 2006 onwards, but were contained in the CPI report.

Notes

  1. ^ TI produces an annual report listing each country’s CPI score. This score relates to perceptions of the degree of corruption as seen by business people and country analysts and, through 2011, ranged from 10 (highly clean) to 0 (highly corrupt).[141] From 2012 on, the scores were presented on a 0–100 scale.[142]
  2. ^ The method used to compute CPI scores changed in 2012 to allow a country’s score to be compared from year to year. Prior to 2012, a country’s score can only be meaningfully compared to the scores of other countries in the same year.[139]
  3. ^ The confidence range is a measure of the degree of certainty about the Corruption Perception Index score. Nominally, the true score has a 1 in 20 probability of being above the upper range, and a 1 in 20 probability of being below the lower range. If the number of surveys available was low, then these 1 in 20 probabilities might really only be 1 in 10.[citation needed]
  4. ^ “The standard error term is calculated as the standard deviation of the rescaled source data, divided by the square root of the number of sources.”[144]
  5. ^ Ideally 12 surveys should be used for a country. If less than 3 surveys were available, then that country was not included in the Corruption Perceptions Index.[citation needed]

References

  1. ^ Kaleniuk, D., & Halushka, O. (2021). Why Ukraine’s fight against corruption scares Russia. Foreign Policy, 17.
  2. ^ de Waal, Thomas (April 18, 2016). “Fighting a Culture of Corruption in Ukraine”. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Washington DC. Retrieved January 23, 2026.
  3. ^ “Corruption Is an Existential Threat to Ukraine, and Ukrainians Know It”. The New York Times. September 10, 2023.
  4. ^ a b Bullough, Oliver (February 6, 2015). “Welcome to Ukraine, the most corrupt nation in Europe”. The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved May 11, 2017.
  5. ^ Bazaluk, Oleg (2016). “Introduction”. Corruption in Ukraine: Rulers’ Mentality and the Destiny of the Nation. Cambridge Scholars. pp. XIV. ISBN 9781443896894.
  6. ^ Shelley, Louise (1998). “Organized crime and corruption in Ukraine: impediments to the development of a free market economy”. Demokratizatsiya. George Washington University: 648–663.
  7. ^ Kuzio, T. (2014). Crime, politics and business in 1990s Ukraine. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 47(2), 195–210
  8. ^ Leshchenko, S., 2013a. Yakshcho Akhmetov ne zupynyt Yanukovycha, to rozdilyt vidpovidalnist iz nym. Ukrayinska Pravda Blog. December 3. Archived September 1, 2015, at the Wayback Machine.
  9. ^ Koshiw, J.V., 2013. Abuse of Power. Corruption in the Office of the President. Artemia Books.
  10. ^ CORRUPTION ASSESSMENT: UKRAINE, USAID (February 10, 2006)
  11. ^ “Ukraina TV”. Ukraina TV. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  12. ^ a b Rachkevych, Mark (June 25, 2009). “Corruption Plague – Jun. 25, 2009”. Kyiv Post. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  13. ^ a b Transparency International Global Corruption Barometer: Ukraine has become more corrupt over the last two years, The Ukrainian Week (July 9, 2013)
  14. ^ Kulyk, V. (2014). Ukrainian nationalism since the outbreak of Euromaidan. Ab Imperio, 2014(3), 94–122.
  15. ^ Kulyk, V. (2016). National identity in Ukraine: Impact of Euromaidan and the war. Europe-Asia Studies, 68(4), 588–608.
  16. ^ Shveda, Y., & Park, J. H. (2016). Ukraine’s revolution of dignity: The dynamics of Euromaidan. Journal of Eurasian Studies, 7(1), 85–91.
  17. ^ Åslund, A. (2014). The maidan and beyond: oligarchs, corruption, and European integration. Journal of Democracy, 25(3), 64–73.
  18. ^ Kuzio, T. (2014). Crime, politics and business in 1990s Ukraine. Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 47(2), 195–210.
  19. ^ Zhuk, S. I. (2014). Ukrainian Maidan as the last anti-Soviet revolution, or the methodological dangers of Soviet nostalgia (Notes of an American Ukrainian historian from inside the field of Russian Studies in the United States). Ab Imperio, 2014(3), 195–208.
  20. ^ Marples, D. R., & Mills, F. V. (Eds.). (2014). Ukraine’s Euromaidan: Analyses of a Civil Revolution (Vol. 138). Columbia University Press.
  21. ^ Onuch, O. (2014). The Maidan and beyond: who were the protesters?. Journal of Democracy, 25(3), 44–51.
  22. ^ Corruption Reveals Russian, Chinese and Internal Ukrainian Involvement, Kyiv Post (13 December 2022)
  23. ^ De Waal, T. (2016). Fighting a culture of corruption in Ukraine. Carnegie Europe, 18, 2016.
  24. ^ a b c d e f g Global Corruption Report 2008: Corruption in the Water Sector. Cambridge University Press. 2008. p. 284. ISBN 978-0-521-72795-2. Retrieved January 23, 2026. Bribery is widespread in higher education facilities, from college entry and exam results to marking doctoral or master’s theses.
  25. ^ INTERNATIONAL AGENCIES, DONORS, PROJECTS Archived September 10, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, ANTI-CORRUPTION PORTAL
  26. ^ Ukrainians shrug off corruption despite damaging effects Kyiv Post (March 6, 2008)
  27. ^ Rachkevych, Mark (December 1, 2011). “Under Yanukovych, Ukraine slides deeper in ranks of corrupt nations – Dec. 01, 2011”. Kyiv Post. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  28. ^ Osipian, Ararat. (2009). The Impact of Human Capital on Economic Growth: A Case Study in Post-Soviet Ukraine, 1989–2009. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 256 p.
  29. ^ Zavis, Alexandra (December 2, 2014). “How do countries rank on corruption?”. Los Angeles Times. Retrieved November 2, 2015.
  30. ^ Alessandra Prentice (May 18, 2016). “Ukraine, IMF agree terms to resume financial support – IMF”. Reuters. Archived from the original on May 19, 2016. Retrieved May 20, 2016.
  31. ^ Neil A. Abrams, M. Steven Fish (May 5, 2016). “How Western aid enables graft addiction in Ukraine”. Washington Post. Retrieved May 20, 2016.
  32. ^ Isabela Cocoli (April 27, 2016). “US Urges Ukraine to Jail Corrupt Officials”. Voice of America. Retrieved May 20, 2016.
  33. ^ Vigers, Benedict; Ray, Julie (August 7, 2025). “4 Charts Show Ukrainians’ Shifting Views of Their Leadership”. Gallup. Retrieved August 12, 2025.
  34. ^ a b c Corruption, Democracy, and Investment in Ukraine Archived September 26, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, Atlantic Council (October 2007)
  35. ^ a b c Press release Archived March 8, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, 10th International Anti-Corruption Conference (2001)
  36. ^ “Top- 100 biggest bribes in Ukraine”. www.unian.info. October 6, 2009. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  37. ^ Transparency International Global Corruption Barometer 2009 Report Archived June 7, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, June 2, 2009, ISBN 978-3-935711-28-9 pdf Abs1:22, 32, 33.
    In Ukraine, 1200 people were interviewed face to face in a national survey November 4–12, 2008. The survey in the UK was of 1018 people interviewed online November 27 – December 1, 2008. The survey in the U.S. was of 1017 people interviewed online October 30 – November 4, 2008. (pdf ABs1:22).
  38. ^ Fighting Corruption In Ukraine: Ukrainian Style, Gorshenin Institute (July 3, 2011)
  39. ^ National Integrity System Assessment, Ukraine 2011 Archived June 3, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, TORO Creative Union – Transparency International Contact in Ukraine. pdf page 36.
  40. ^ Corruption in the UK: Overview & Policy Recommendations, Transparency International UK, June 2011, ISBN 978-0-9566194-4-0 summary page 2.
  41. ^ Andrew Wilson, Virtual Politics – Faking Democracy in the Post-Soviet World, Yale University Press (2005), ISBN 0-300-09545-7
  42. ^ Foundation, Jamestown (November 29, 2012). “Jamestown Foundation Blog: Ukrainian Political Technologists and Seven Election Myths”. Jamestown Foundation Blog. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  43. ^ “Global Corruption Report” (PDF). Transparency International. Archived from the original (PDF) on July 4, 2007. Retrieved March 2, 2025.
  44. ^ Supreme Court of Ukraine decision regarding the annulment of November 21 vote. Full text in Ukrainian and Summary in English
  45. ^ Understanding Ukrainian Politics:Power, Politics, And Institutional Design by Paul D’Anieri, M. E. Sharpe, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7656-1811-5 (page 63)
    Committee of Electors of Ukraine registers no major violations at elections to Ternopil regional council Archived October 1, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, Interfax-Ukraine (March 16, 2009)
    EU endorses Ukraine election result, EU Observer (February 8, 2010)
    International observers say Ukrainian election was free and fair The Washington Post (February 9, 2010)
    European Parliament president greets Ukraine on conducting free and fair presidential election Kyiv Post (February 9, 2010)
  46. ^ Opposition pushes for immediate meeting with Yanukovych Kyiv Post (September 22, 2011)
    BYT: International observers were physically unable to record mass irregularities in run-off vote Kyiv Post (February 11, 2009)
    Yanukovych sure Tymoshenko will try to rig results of presidential election Kyiv Post (December 17, 2009)
    Tymoshenko says she will prevent Yanukovych from rigging presidential election Kyiv Post (December 17, 2009)
    President’s office ex-official blows Yushchenko-Yanukovych secret deal Zik.com (January 8, 2010)
    Taras Kuzio, Yushchenko and Yanukovych Forge an Electoral Alliance Kyiv Post (January 8, 2010)
    Yanukovych’s Party Looks To Victory Amid Claims Of Election Fraud, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (November 1, 2010)
    (in Ukrainian) ПР отримала мерів майже в половині областей BBC Ukrainian (November 8, 2010)
    (in Ukrainian) У Криму комуністи і партія «Союз» вимагають перерахунку голосів Deprecated link archived July 18, 2012, at archive.today, Дзеркало тижня (November 3, 2010)
    Westerners, local observers rip Oct. 31 elections as undemocratic Kyiv Post (November 5, 2010)
  47. ^ Poll: Less than 5% Ukrainians believe presidential election will be fair Kyiv Post (January 12, 2010)
    Poll: Most Ukrainians not planning to sell their votes in presidential election Kyiv Post (January 12, 2010)
    Survey Shows Every Fifth Ukrainian Ready To Sell Vote, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (October 22, 2010)
  48. ^ a b Onyshkiv, Yuriy (September 2, 2011). “Clearer Picture”. Kyiv Post.
  49. ^ Probe needed Kyiv Post (July 22, 2011)
    Ukrainska Pravda exposes presidential estate scandal Kyiv Post (November 26, 2010)
  50. ^ Sodel, Vlad (photo credit) (August 25, 2013). Новий голова ЦВК носить годинник за 50–60 тисяч доларів. Ukrayinska Pravda (in Ukrainian). Retrieved August 25, 2013.
  51. ^ Regions Party declares current government corrupt Kyiv Post (January 10, 2010)
    Tymoshenko Accuses Yanukovych Of Involvement In Land Machinations In Crimea Archived September 23, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, Finchannel.com (January 4, 2010)
    “I’m the only politician without land ownership in Crimea,” says Yulia Tymoshenko ZIK.com (January 3, 2010)
    Court dismisses Yanukovych’s suit against Tymoshenko concerning unsanctioned election funds Kyiv Post (December 31, 2009)
    Tymoshenko accuses Chernovetsky of corrupt use of funds of Kyiv residents Interfax-Ukraine (December 12, 2008)
    Tymoshenko blames Firtash and Presidential Secretariat for hryvnia’s collapse UNIAN (December 18, 2008)
    Presidential secretariat says about misuse of funds from sale of government domestic loan bonds for Euro 2012 Interfax-Ukraine (November 27, 2009)
    Lutsenko accuses Yanukovych of giving false data in his income declaration Archived May 15, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, Interfax-Ukraine (December 8, 2009)
    Tymoshenko proposes creating independent anti-corruption bureaus in Ukraine, Kyiv Post (December 8, 2009)
    Lutsenko removed Yushchenko’s portrait from his office, Kyiv Post (December 9, 2009)
    Yuschenko accuses Tymoshenko of corruption Kyiv Post (December 9, 2009)
    Yushchenko calls nation’s law-enforcement chiefs mediocre and corrupt Kyiv Post (December 9, 2009)
    Yushchenko: Open list of candidates for parliamentary elections a condition for eradicating corruption Kyiv Post (December 12, 2009)
    Yatseniuk submits draft law on state committee for fighting corruption Kyiv Post (December 16, 2009)
    Parliamentary majority responsible for failures in fight against corruption, says president Interfax-Ukraine (December 12, 2009)
  52. ^ (in Ukrainian) Голова МВС:Найбільше корупціонерів у Партії регіонів, Ukrayinska Pravda (29 March 2012)
  53. ^ Ukraine Advances on Anti-Corruption Practices Reuters {Reuters is not responsible for the content in this press release} (June 10, 2011)
  54. ^ Генпрокуратура не захотіла зайнятися підприємством сина Азарова. Ukrayinska Pravda (in Ukrainian). August 26, 2013. Retrieved August 27, 2013.
  55. ^ Turchynov: Batkivschyna knew why Zabzaliuk left faction, Kyiv Post (8 February 2012)
  56. ^ a b Andrew Wilson (February 14, 2016). “Corruption is Stalling Ukraine’s Optimistic Revolution”. Newsweek. Retrieved February 17, 2016.
  57. ^ a b Reid Standish, Ian Bateson (November 4, 2016). “Ukraine Has Opened Pandora’s Database of Corruption”. Foreign Policy. Retrieved November 7, 2016.
  58. ^ Roman Olearchyk (November 1, 2016). “Ukraine’s MPs forgo pay rise as public balks at scale of wealth”. Financial Times. Retrieved November 2, 2016.
  59. ^ “Ukraine: parliament passes important laws to tackle corruption”. Kyiv Post. October 23, 2014. Retrieved November 7, 2016.
  60. ^ “Навіщо йдуть в мери?”. Українська правда (in Ukrainian). Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  61. ^ “Heads of two towns in Khmelnytsky, Ternopil regions charged with bribery” (in Ukrainian and English). Interfax-Ukraine. April 13, 2009. Archived from the original on June 6, 2012.
  62. ^ “Web Hosting, Reseller Hosting & Domain Names from Heart Internet”. interfax.co.uk. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  63. ^ a b Byrne, Peter (March 25, 2010). “Jackpot – Mar. 26, 2010”. Kyiv Post. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  64. ^ Byrne, Peter (March 25, 2010). “Moskal: ‘Rotten to the core’ – Mar. 26, 2010”. Kyiv Post. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  65. ^ Yanukovych notes political pressure on Ukraine’s judicial system Kyiv Post (March 25, 2010)
    Tymoshenko: Yanukovych entourage aims at recognizing legitimacy of coalition before president’s trip to U.S. Kyiv Post (March 29, 2010)
    Anders Åslund, How Ukraine Became a Market Economy and Democracy Peterson Institute for International Economics, 2009, ISBN 978-0-88132-427-3 (page 219)
    Yanukovych allies: Tymoshenko trying to pressure court Kyiv Post (March 30, 2010)
    Anders Åslund and Marek Dabrowski (Eds.), Europe after Enlargement Cambridge University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-521-87286-7 (page 149)
    Adrian Karatnycky, Alexander Motyl and Amanda Schnetzer (Eds.), Nations in Transit 2000–2001 Transaction Publishers, 2001, ISBN 978-0-7658-0897-4 (page 400)
  66. ^ Battle looming over new law on judiciary and judge status Kyiv Post (July 4, 2010)
    A top prosecutor, accused of corruption and incompetence, forced out in political struggle Kyiv Post (December 18, 2009)
  67. ^ a b c d “In Ukraine, scales of justice often imbalanced”. Get the Latest Ukraine News Today – KyivPost. April 9, 2012. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  68. ^ The Ukraine Competitiveness Report 2008. World Economic Forum. ISBN 978-92-95044-05-0.
  69. ^ Kyiv district court judge arrested while taking bribe Kyiv Post (February 8, 2011)
    Ex-judge Zvarych sentenced to ten years in prison Kyiv Post (September 20, 2011)
  70. ^ Gang-raped, strangled and set alight, brave Oksana loses her fight, The Age (30 March 2012)
    Ukrainian Woman’s Rape Stirs Public ‘Vendetta’: Leonid Bershidsky, Bloomberg (22 March 2012)
  71. ^ Onyshkiv, Yuriy (July 14, 2011). “Unruly Untouchables – Jul. 14, 2011”. Kyiv Post. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  72. ^ Grytsenko, Oksana (December 1, 2011). “Charges dismissed against driver who killed pedestrian – Dec. 01, 2011”. Kyiv Post. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  73. ^ “Головний борець із корупцією з СБУ носить годинник дорожчий за його річну зарплату”. Українська правда (in Ukrainian). Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  74. ^ “Fighting corruption, Ukraine starts to judge its judges”. Reuters. May 25, 2017. Retrieved November 7, 2019.
  75. ^ Tainted candidates shortlisted in selection of anti-corruption judges, Kyiv Post (14 November 2018)
  76. ^ Sukhov, Oleg (June 24, 2022). “Watchdogs say Ukraine’s judicial reform on brink of catastrophe”. Kyiv Independent. Retrieved July 9, 2022.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: deprecated archival service (link)
  77. ^ “Head of Ukraine’s supreme court held in anti-corruption investigation”. The Guardian. May 16, 2023. Retrieved May 16, 2023.
  78. ^ “Ukraine: ‘Large-scale corruption’ in Supreme Court reported”. DW. Retrieved May 16, 2023.
  79. ^ Dan Peleschuk (June 16, 2016). “Ukraine’s Broken Road to Europe”. Foreign Policy. Retrieved June 17, 2016.
  80. ^ “Energoatom chief recalls highs and lows of first half-year”. World Nuclear News. August 12, 2015. Retrieved June 16, 2016.
  81. ^ “Continued Ukraine-Russia tensions over fuel”. Nuclear Engineering International. June 7, 2016. Retrieved June 16, 2016.
  82. ^ “Ex-head of Energoatom Derkach claims worst situation in sector in 25 years”. Interfax-Ukraine. May 23, 2016. Retrieved June 16, 2016.
  83. ^ “Energoatom’s accounts unblocked”. Interfax-Ukraine. June 29, 2016. Retrieved February 21, 2017.
  84. ^ Popeski, Ron (November 11, 2025). “Ukraine dismisses Energoatom supervisory board after graft probe, PM says”. Reuters. Retrieved November 12, 2025.
  85. ^ O’Grady, Siobhán; Stern, David L.; Khudov, Kostiantyn (November 12, 2025). “Ukraine’s justice and energy ministers resign amid corruption probe”. Washington Post. Retrieved November 12, 2025.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: deprecated archival service (link)
  86. ^ “A corruption scandal costs Volodymyr Zelensky his top aide”. The Economist. November 28, 2025. Retrieved November 29, 2025.
  87. ^ Osipian, Ararat. (2009). Corruption and Reform in Higher Education in Ukraine. Canadian and International Education Journal, 38(2), pp. 104–122.
  88. ^ Osipian, Ararat. (2007). Higher Education Corruption in Ukraine: Opinions and Estimates. International Higher Education, 49, pp. 20–21.
  89. ^ a b c d e “In Ukraine’s universities, trading bribes for diplomas”. POLITICO. January 30, 2016. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  90. ^ One third of students have encountered cases of corruption in higher educational institutions, International Renaissance Foundation (April 20, 2011)
  91. ^ Osipian, Ararat. (2009). Corruption Hierarchies in Higher Education in the Former Soviet Bloc. International Journal of Educational Development, 29(3), pp. 321–330.
  92. ^ Osipian, Ararat. (2010). Corrupt Organizational Hierarchies in the Former Soviet Bloc. Transition Studies Review, 17(4), pp. 822–836.
  93. ^ Osipian, Ararat. (2008). Political Graft and Education Corruption in Ukraine: Compliance, Collusion, and Control. Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, 16(4), pp. 323–344.
  94. ^ “ararat.osipian”. sites.google.com. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  95. ^ “ararat.osipian”. sites.google.com. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  96. ^ Osipian, Ararat. (2008). Corruption and Coercion: University Autonomy versus State Control. European Education: Issues and Studies, 40(3), pp. 27–48.
  97. ^ Prymachyk, Iryna (November 19, 2009). “Cheating Nation – Nov. 19, 2009”. Kyiv Post. Retrieved January 31, 2024.
  98. ^ a b c d People First:The latest in the watch on Ukrainian democracy, Kyiv Post (11 September 2012)
  99. ^ Corruption No. 1 problem as Ukraine heads for election, Reuters (24 October 2012)
  100. ^ ‘If I receive it, it is a gift; if I demand it, then it is a bribe’:On the Local Meaning of Economic Transactions in Post-Soviet Ukraine by Abel Polese, Berghahn Books (Winter 2008)
  101. ^ Ukraine:Corruption blamed for AIDS non-treatment Archived March 10, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, Associated Press (29 June 2012)
  102. ^ Bribes and bureaucrats: Doing business in Ukraine, BBC News (7 March 2011)
  103. ^ a b Viktor Yushchenko Attracts Investments with the War on Corruption Archived February 1, 2014, at the Wayback Machine Kommersant (February 16, 2005)
  104. ^ Yanukovych’s inner circle, Kyiv Post (January 24, 2009)
  105. ^ Countries at the crossroads: a survey of democratic governance by Sanja Tatic & Christopher Walker, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2006, ISBN 978-0-7425-5801-4 (page 580)
  106. ^ Corruption Watch: October 3, 2005 Archived March 3, 2016, at the Wayback Machine, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (October 3, 2005)
  107. ^ a b c Ukraine: Battle Against Corruption Grinds To A Halt, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (September 26, 2005)
  108. ^ Gas Lobby Takes Control of Ukraine’s Secret Service Archived March 14, 2017, at the Wayback Machine by Taras Kuzio (18 March 2010)
  109. ^ GRECO publishes report on fight against corruption in Ukraine, Kyiv Post (18 November 2011)
  110. ^ Ukraine’s prime minister says budget problem hardest, Kyiv Post (March 11, 2010)
  111. ^ a b Yanukovych vows to put an end to corruption Kyiv Post (September 15, 2011)
  112. ^ Yanukovych: Over 400 officials of current government stand trial Kyiv Post (Augustus 25, 2011)
  113. ^ a b Yanukovych: ‘Some misinform international community about Ukraine’ Kyiv Post (February 7, 2011)
  114. ^ Ukraine timeline BBC News
  115. ^ Euronews, Putin calls Tymoshenko jail term unfair, 11 October 2011 Archived December 15, 2011, at the Wayback Machine.
    RFI English Tymoshenko supporters protest at jail sentence, by Jan van der Made, 12 October 2011.
    Amnesty International: Jailed former Ukraine prime minister must be released, Kyiv Post (11 October 2011)
    Putin: Tymoshenko verdict unfair, Kyiv Post (11 October 2011)
    EU feels let down by Ukraine over Tymoshenko Archived January 4, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, Euronews (11 October 2011)
    Council of Europe concerned about Tymoshenko trial, Kyiv Post (12 October 2011)
  116. ^ The Rating Group undertook a survey of Ukrainian voter’s opinions on the Yulia Tymoshenko case:
    46% believed her guilty, 34% not guilty, and 20% were undecided.
    26% believed that the case was brought as observance of the law, 54% that it was political persecution, and 20% were undecided.
    28% believed that in signing the gas contracts Tymoshenko acted for the benefit of Ukraine, 4% for the benefit of Russia, 44% for her own benefit, and 24% were undecided.
    The Rating Group, Tymoshenko case through eyes of voters, 29 September 2011.
    The Rating Group, Справа Тчмощенко Очима Виборцїв (Voters’ Opinions on the Tymoshenko case), September 2011
  117. ^ Ukraine successfully fighting corruption, group says Kyiv Post (April 13, 2011)
  118. ^ Former European Taxation Commissioner appointed Business Ombudsman for Ukraine’s Anti-Corruption Initiative, Interfax-Ukraine (11 December 2014)
  119. ^ Popova, Maria; Shevel, Oxana (2024). Russia and Ukraine: Entangled Histories, Diverging States. Cambridge: Polity Press. pp. 193–196. ISBN 978-1-5095-5737-0.
  120. ^ “National Agency on Corruption Prevention – NACP – Network for Integrity”. Network for integrity. 2022. Archived from the original on June 9, 2022. Retrieved May 3, 2018.
  121. ^ “Ukraine governor Kolomoisky sacked after oil firm row”. BBC. Europe. March 25, 2015. Retrieved November 2, 2015.
  122. ^ a b Law on High Anti-Corruption Court comes into force, Interfax-Ukraine (14 June 2018)
  123. ^ (in Ukrainian) Anticorruption court launched. The CPC claims to be “substituting” the appeal, Ukrayinska Pravda (13 June 2018)
    Ukraine’s parliament eventually passes law on anti-corruption court, UNIAN (7 June 2018)
    (in Ukrainian) Closed vertical. What is the Higher Anti-Corruption Court and why its creation is afraid of politics?, Ukrayinska Pravda (7 June 2018)
  124. ^ “EU welcomes launch of Ukraine’s High Anti-Corruption Court”. Ukrinform. September 5, 2019.
  125. ^ Kramer, Andrew E. (May 13, 2020). “Ukraine Passes a Critical Anticorruption Bill”. The New York Times. Retrieved May 15, 2020.
  126. ^ “Ambassador Maasikas: IMF, EU financial aid, visa-free travel depend on fighting corruption”. UNIAN. November 13, 2020. Retrieved November 27, 2020.
  127. ^ Zinets, Natalia; Polityuk, Pavel (November 2, 2020). “Back me or put IMF loans and EU visa-free deal at risk, Ukraine’s president warns”. Reuters. Retrieved November 27, 2020.
  128. ^ “NBU says no IMF tranche for Ukraine this year”. bne IntelliNews. Berlin. November 14, 2020. Retrieved November 27, 2020.
  129. ^ Ukraine’s parliament defies court ruling and restores anti-corruption legislation, Euronews (4 December 2020)
  130. ^ Zelensky suspends Constitutional Court chair for two months, UNIAN (29 December 2020)
  131. ^ “Election of SAPO Head at the Finish Line: What to Expect?”. Transparency International. July 28, 2021. Archived from the original on April 17, 2022. Retrieved July 19, 2022.
  132. ^ Sorokin, Oleksiy (July 19, 2022). “Selection panel declares winner set to lead Special Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office”. The Kyiv Independent. Retrieved July 20, 2022.{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: deprecated archival service (link)
  133. ^ “Detective Klymenko wins SAPO competition: the commission has approved the winner, but there are nuances”. Transparency International. July 19, 2022. Archived from the original on July 19, 2022. Retrieved July 20, 2022.
  134. ^ (in Ukrainian) What a crime, what a punishment. Or why the “people’s answer” to the president’s first question will not surprise anyone, Ukrayinska Pravda (15 October 2020)
  135. ^ Havrylyshyn, Oleh (2017). “International Comparisons of Corruption Levels”. The Political Economy of Independent Ukraine: Slow Starts, False Starts, and a Last Chance?. Springer. pp. 255–256. ISBN 978-1-137-57689-7.
  136. ^ Kuzmin, R., 2012a. Interview. BBC Ukrainian Service. March 9. http://www.bbc.co.uk/ukrainian/multimedia/2012/03/120309_kuzmin_ie_part_1_ak.shtml.
  137. ^ “Ernst & Young’s 2012 Global Fraud Survey Highlights Significant Challenges in Dealing with Corruption and Bribery Risks”. anti-corruption.com. July 11, 2012.
  138. ^ “Detailed results”. EY Fraud Survey. Archived from the original on November 7, 2018. Retrieved November 6, 2018.
  139. ^ a b “The ABCs of the CPI: How the Corruption Perceptions Index is calculated”. Transparency.org. February 11, 2025. Retrieved April 6, 2025.
  140. ^ Myrzabekova, Altynai; Prokic, Lidija (January 30, 2024). “CPI 2023 for Eastern Europe & Central Asia: Autocracy & weak justice systems enabling widespread corruption”. Transparency International. Retrieved February 24, 2024.
  141. ^ a b Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index 2006 Table Archived April 16, 2011, at the Wayback Machine
  142. ^ a b Annual Report Transparency International 2012 Corruption Perceptions Index data Archived November 29, 2013, at the Wayback Machine
    Annual Report Transparency International 2012 Corruption Perceptions Index data Archived March 19, 2013, at the Wayback Machine
  143. ^ “Corruptions Perceptions Index 2025” (PDF). Transparency International. p. 14. Retrieved April 14, 2026.
  144. ^ (Corruption Perceptions Index 2015: Technical Methodology Note.) Archived July 20, 2019, at the Wayback Machine
  145. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 1999 Archived September 17, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, pdf p13
  146. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 2000 Archived September 21, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, pdf p14
  147. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 2001 Archived September 16, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, pdf p13
  148. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 2002 Archived September 3, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, Portuguese, Spanish, pdf p30
  149. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 2003 Archived September 16, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, pdf p21
  150. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 2004 Archived September 16, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, pdf p11
  151. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 2005 Archived September 21, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, pdf p21
  152. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 2006 Archived September 17, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, pdf p23
  153. ^ Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index 2007 Table Archived April 28, 2008, at the Wayback Machine.
  154. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 2007 Archived September 18, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, pdf Abs1:27
  155. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 2008 Archived September 28, 2010, at the Wayback Machine, pdf Sec1:21
  156. ^ Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index 2008 Table Archived March 15, 2010, at the Wayback Machine, and the same table in newsroom section Archived March 11, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
  157. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 2009 Archived September 17, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, pdf p53
  158. ^ Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index 2009 Table Archived January 12, 2019, at the Wayback Machine.
  159. ^ Annual Report Transparency International 2010 Archived September 17, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, pdf p79-80.
  160. ^ Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index 2010 Archived September 23, 2011, at the Wayback Machine pdf p7.
  161. ^ Corruption Perceptions Index 2011 Archived August 10, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, Transparency International
  162. ^ “Annual Report Transparency International 2010 Corruption Perceptions Index data“. Archived from the original on December 5, 2012. Retrieved December 1, 2011.
  163. ^ Ukraine inches up on international corruption index, Kyiv Post ( December 2012)
  164. ^ “Annual Report Transparency International 2013 Corruption Perceptions Index data“. Retrieved April 13, 2014.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: deprecated archival service (link)
  165. ^ Ukraine remains most corrupt country in Europe – Transparency International, Interfax-Ukraine (3 December 2014)
  166. ^ “2014 Corruption Perceptions Index – Results”. Transparency International. December 2014. Retrieved November 3, 2015.
  167. ^ “Table of results: corruption perceptions index 2015”. Transparency International. January 27, 2016. Archived from the original on August 29, 2016. Retrieved August 29, 2016.
    “Data and methodology, access an Excel spreadsheet of the full results, notes on the methodology and a description of the index’s sources”. Transparency International. January 27, 2016. Archived from the original on July 20, 2019. Retrieved August 29, 2016.
  168. ^ “Corruption perceptions index 2016”. Transparency International. January 25, 2017. Retrieved April 25, 2017.
    “CPI2016_FullDataSetWithRegionalTables.xlsx (Excel file)”. Transparency International. January 25, 2017. Archived from the original on June 6, 2017. Retrieved April 25, 2017.
  169. ^ “Corruption Perceptions Index 2017: Global Scores”. Archived from the original on October 12, 2019. Retrieved April 6, 2025.
  170. ^ 2018 Corruption Perceptions Index
  171. ^ Corruption Perceptions Index 2019
  172. ^ “Corruption Perceptions Index 2020 for Ukraine”. January 28, 2021.
  173. ^ “Corruption Perceptions Index 2021 for Ukraine”. January 25, 2022.
  174. ^ “Corruption Perceptions Index 2022 for Ukraine”. January 31, 2023.
  175. ^ “Corruption Perceptions Index 2023 for Ukraine”. March 2, 2025.
  176. ^ “Corruption Perceptions Index 2024 for Ukraine”. March 2, 2025.
  177. ^ “Corruption Perceptions Index 2025 for Ukraine”. February 12, 2026.