Dida is a dialect cluster of the Kru languages spoken in Ivory Coast.
ISO 639-3 assigns separate codes to three Dida varieties: Yocoboué Dida, also called Yokubwe Dida; Lakota Dida; and Gaɓogbo, also called Guébié or Gebye. The varieties have limited mutual intelligibility and are often treated as separate languages. In 1993, Yocoboué Dida had 101,600 speakers and Lakota Dida had 93,800 speakers. Yocoboué Dida includes the Lozoua, or Lozwa, and Divo varieties, with 7,100 and 94,500 speakers respectively. Lakota Dida includes the Lakota, Abou, and Vata varieties. The prestige variety is the Lozoua speech of Guitry.
Phonology
The Dida varieties have consonant and vowel inventories typical of the Eastern Kru languages. Tone, however, varies considerably among the varieties, or at least among available descriptions. The following account is based mainly on Miller’s description of Abou Dida and Masson’s description of Yocoboué Dida.
Vowels
Abou Dida
Abou Dida has a ten-vowel system. It includes five non-contracted vowels, four contracted vowels, and an uncommon mid central vowel, /ə/. The contracted vowels are described as involving tenseness, probably either pharyngealization or supraglottal phonation, of a type comparable to retracted tongue root (−ATR) articulation.
| Front | Central | Back | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Non-contracted | Contracted | Non-contracted | Contracted | ||
| Close | i | u | |||
| Mid | e | eˤ | ə | o | oˤ |
| Open-mid | ɛˤ | ɔˤ | |||
| Open | a | ||||
The contracted vowels are transcribed here as /eˤ ɛˤ ɔˤ oˤ/. They may also be analyzed as /iˤ eˤ oˤ uˤ/, but the lower vowel symbols reflect their phonetic realization. There is no contracted counterpart to /a/. The formants of the contracted vowels show that they are lower than their non-contracted counterparts: the highest contracted vowels overlap in formant values with the non-contracted mid vowels. When articulated carefully, the contracted vowels are also accompanied by visible tension in the lips and throat.
Abou Dida has several diphthongs, with the same tonal contrasts as simple vowels. Diphthongs begin with one of the higher vowels, /i eˤ u oˤ/. Except where /a/ occurs as the second element, both elements of a diphthong are either contracted or non-contracted. Pharyngealization is therefore transcribed after the second vowel element. Examples include /ɓue˨teoˤ˥˩/ ‘bottle‘; /pa˨ɺeaˤ˨˩/ ‘get stuck‘; and /feɔˤ˥˩/ ‘little bone‘.
Abou Dida also has nasal vowels, although they are uncommon and their exact number is uncertain. Examples include /fẽˤː˥/ ‘nothing‘, /ɡ͡boũ˧/ ‘chin‘, and /pɔõˤ˥˧/ ‘twenty-five cents‘, from English pound. In diphthongs, nasalization occurs mainly on the second vowel element.
Vowel length is not contrastive, except in limited contexts such as phonaesthesia, morphological contractions, and shortened grammatical words. An example is the modal /kă˥/ ‘will‘, compared with its likely lexical source /ka˧/ ‘get‘.
Yocoboué Dida
Yocoboué Dida has a nine-vowel system, with four +ATR vowels and five −ATR vowels.
| Front | Central | Back | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| +ATR | −ATR | −ATR | +ATR | −ATR | |
| Close | i | ɪ | u | ʊ | |
| Mid | e | ɛ | o | ɔ | |
| Open | a | ||||
Consonants
Abou Dida
The consonant inventory of Abou Dida is typical of Eastern Kru:
| Labial | Alveolar | Post-alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Labialized velar | Labial–velar | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nasal | m | n | ɲ | ŋ | ||||
| Plosive | voiceless | p | t | k | kʷ | k͡p | ||
| voiced | b | d | ɡ | ɡʷ | ɡ͡b | |||
| Affricate | voiceless | t͡ʃ | ||||||
| voiced | d͡ʒ | |||||||
| Implosive | ɓ | |||||||
| Fricative | voiceless | f | s | |||||
| voiced | v | z | ɣ | |||||
| Tap | ɺ | |||||||
| Approximant | j | w | ||||||
Syllables may consist of a vowel alone, a consonant followed by a vowel, or a consonant followed by /ɺ/ and a vowel. The phoneme /ɺ/ is realized as a lateral approximant [l] word-initially, as a lateral flap [ɺ] between vowels and after most consonants, as in [ɓɺeˤ˥] ‘country‘, and as a central tap [ɾ] after alveolar consonants, as in [dɾu˧] ‘blood‘. After nasal consonants, it is nasalized and resembles a short [n]. A short epenthetic vowel occurs between the initial consonant and the flap; it takes the quality of the following syllabic vowel, as in [ɓᵉɺeˤ˥] ‘country‘.
Flap clusters occur with all consonants, including the approximants, as in /wɺi˥/ ‘top‘. They do not occur with the alveolar sonorants /n/ and /ɺ/, or with the marginal consonant /ɣ/, which is attested only in the syllable /ɣa/.
The consonant /ɓ/ is implosive in that its airstream is produced by downward movement of the glottis, although there is no audible rush of air into the mouth. The consonant /ɣ/ occurs in few lexical items, but one of them, /ɣa˧/ ‘appear‘, is found in numerous common idioms; the sound is therefore not rare in connected speech. It is a true fricative and may be devoiced to [x] word-initially.
The sequences /kʷ/ and /ɡʷ/ followed by a vowel are distinct from /k/ or /ɡ/ followed by /u/ and another vowel. They may also be followed by a flap, as in /kʷɺeˤ˥/ ‘face‘.
Under emphasis, words with no phonemic onset may take initial [ɦ], and the initial approximants /j/ and /w/ may be realized as fricated [ʝ] and [ɣʷ]. The approximant /w/ is realized as [ɥ] before high front vowels, or as [ʝʷ] under emphasis.
Yocoboué Dida
The following consonants are reported for Yocoboué Dida:
| Labial | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Labialized velar | Labial–velar | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nasal | m | n | ɲ | ŋ | |||
| Plosive | voiceless | p | t | c | k | kʷ | k͡p |
| voiced | b | d | ɟ | ɡ | ɡʷ | ɡ͡b | |
| Implosive | ɓ | ||||||
| Fricative | voiceless | f | s | ||||
| voiced | v | z | ɣ | ||||
| Approximant | l | j | w | ||||
In Yocoboué Dida, /l/ may be realized as [ɾ] after alveolar stops and as [ɾ̃] after nasals.
Tones
Dida uses tone grammatically. Morphotonology plays a larger role in verb and pronominal paradigms than in nouns. This may account for the simpler tonal system of verb roots: noun roots have four lexically contrastive tones, subject pronouns have three, and verb roots have two word tones.
Abou Dida has three level tones: high /˥/, mid /˧/, and low /˨/. The mid tone is approximately twice as frequent as either high or low tone. Speakers also identify six contour tones: two rising tones, /˧˥/ and /˨˧/, and four falling tones, /˥˧/, /˥˩/, /˧˩/, and /˨˩/. The falling tones reach bottom register only at the end of a prosodic unit; elsewhere, the low falling tone /˨˩/ is realized as a simple low tone. Some contour tones occur only in morphologically complex forms, such as perfective verbs.
Monosyllabic nouns contrast four tones: high, mid, low, and mid-falling. Examples include /d͡ʒeˤ˥/ ‘egg‘, /d͡ʒeˤ˧/ ‘leopard‘, /d͡ʒeˤ˩/ ‘buffalo‘, and /d͡ʒeˤ˧˩/ ‘arrow‘. High and mid tones are the most frequent.
References
- ^ Yocoboué Dida at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
Lakota Dida at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
Gaɓogbo at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
Sources
- Masson, Denis (1992). “Esquisse phonologique du dida de Yocoboué” [Phonological sketch of Yocoboué Dida]. In Egner, Inge (ed.). Esquisses phonologiques de trois langues ivoiriennes: beng, dida, yaouré [Phonological sketches of three Ivorian languages: Beng, Dida, Yaouré]. Esquisses linguistiques ivoiriennes (in French). Vol. 1. Abidjan; Paris: Institut de Linguistique Appliquée; Agence de Coopération Culturelle et Technique. pp. 1–56.
- Miller, Kirk (2005). The Tones of Abou Dida (Kru, Ivory Coast) (MA thesis). University of California at Santa Barbara. OCLC 73514251.
Further reading
- Charette, Monik (1984). “Analyse phonologique des emprunts en dida de Niakassé” [Phonological analysis of loanwords in Niakassé Dida]. Revue québécoise de linguistique (in French). 14 (1). Université du Québec à Montréal: 87–111. doi:10.7202/602529ar. eISSN 1705-4591. ISSN 0710-0167.
- Kaye, Jonathan D.; Charette, Monik (December 1981). “Tone sensitive rules in Dida”. In Leben, William R. (ed.). Précis from the Twelfth Conference on African Linguistics, Stanford, April 10–12, 1981. Studies in African Linguistics. Department of Linguistics, University of California, Los Angeles. pp. 82–85. ISSN 0039-3533.